() | a. | Question: | What animals detest the smell of citrus fruits? | |
b. | Short answer: | Ordinary cats. | ||
c. | Full answer: | Ordinary cats detest the smell of citrus fruits. |
There is no one-to-one correspondence between syntactic structure and information structure. Rather, one and the same syntactic structure can be associated with more than one information structure, as is evident from comparing () and (). Even though (c) has the same syntactic structure as (c), its association with the question in (a) imposes a different focus-ground partition on it.
() | a. | Question: | What do ordinary cats detest? | |
b. | Short answer: | The smell of citrus fruits. | ||
c. | Full answer: | Ordinary cats detest the smell of citrus fruits. |
Sentences can consist of a focus only; the ground can be empty. In such cases, there is no distinction between a short answer and a full answer. An example is given in ().
() | a. | Question: | What happened? | |
b. | Answer: | John called. |
As usual, other focus-ground partitions for the same sentence are possible, as shown in () and ().
() | a. | Question: | Who called? | |
b. | Short answer: | John. | ||
c. | Full answer: | John called. | ||
() | a. | Question: | What did John do? | |
b. | Short answer: | Call(ed). | ||
c. | Full answer: | John called. |
In spoken language, the focus-ground partition is generally conveyed by intonation. In written language, where intonation is difficult to represent, it is possible to indicate a sentence's information structure by associating the focus and the ground with particular syntactic positions. For instance, English it clefts exhibit a syntactic frame consisting of it, a form of the copula to be, and the complementizer that. The complement of be is the focus, and the complement of that is the ground. Different focus-ground partitions give rise to distinct it clefts, making it possible to disambiguate syntactic structures that would otherwise be informationally ambiguous.
() | a. | Ordinary cats detest the smell of citrus fruits. | → | It is ordinary cats that detest the smell of citrus fruits. | ||
b. | Ordinary cats detest the smell of citrus fruits. | → | It is the smell of citrus fruits that ordinary cats detest. |
It is worth noting that the syntactic form of it clefts imposes syntactic constraints that can prevent a particular focus-ground partition from having a corresponding it cleft. For instance, the complement of be must be a maximal projection and that requires its complement to be overt. The hypothetically possible it clefts in () are therefore ungrammatical.
() | a. | They will buy the car (not steal it). | → | * | It is buy that they will the car. | |
b. | John called. | → | * | It is John called that. |