Abstract: In this talk we investigate the syntax of the understudied discontinuous reciprocal construction in Modern Greek, whereby the distributor `the one' and the reciprocator `the other' are independent constituents. Our main focus is the intricate locality properties of the two elements. We argue that the distributional pattern of the reciprocator, especially its sensitivity to the presence of a structural subject, suggest that it is subject to Condition A of the Binding Theory and is thus best analyzed as a plain anaphor. As for the distributor, which requires a more local relationship with the antecedent, we have proposed that it should be analyzed as a floating quantifier since its distribution perfectly mirrors that of the floating quantifier o kath-enas `the each-one'. We will show that the distributional properties of the two reciprocal elements, viz., the fact that they can occur inside islands, strongly argue against establishing the relationship with the antecedent by means of Agree or movement (contrary to much of the recent literature on binding and floating quantifiers). Finally, the size of the binding domain, especially the possibility of the reciprocator to occur in embedded subject position, speaks against reducing the binding domain to phasehood, instead supporting more traditional definitions of the binding domain as the smallest XP containing the anaphor and a distinct and accessible subject.