Talks
'I'm done my homework' - Case assignment in a stative passive.
Josef Fruehwald
and
Neil Myler
(2013)
Abstract
We present an analysis of an underdescribed construction common to Canadian and Philadelphian English dialects which appears to involve an instance of the copula/passive auxiliary be, a participial form of finish or do, and a DP complement receiving accusative Case (see Yerastov (2008) for a descriprition and discussion of its
…
Presented at
PLC 37
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Phonologically Conditioned Phonetic Change
Josef Fruehwald
(2012)
Abstract
I argue that some phonetic changes must be phonologically conditioned from their outset. I support this argument based on two conditioned sound changes in Philadelphia: /ay/ raising and /ey/ raising. /ay/ raising has always interacted opaquely with /t/ and /d/ flapping, suggesting it has always been sensitive to the underlying
…
Presented at
NWAV 41
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Phonology has an Early Infuence on Sound Change
Josef Fruehwald
(2012)
Abstract
The consensus view of conditioned sound changes is that they begin as low-level phonetic biases which become compounded in the production-perception feedback loop (Ohala, 1981; Pierrehumbert, 2002; Blevins, 2004; Bermudez-Otero, 2007, inter alia). I argue against this consensus view that, instead, the conditioning on sound changes is phonological from the
…
Presented at
NELS 42
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Using Speech Community Data as Phonological Evidence
The Phonological Aspect of Phonetic Change
Josef Fruehwald
(2011)
Abstract
I discuss the formulation of phonetic change as shifting phonetic implementation of relatively stable phonological objects, and how this model can be utilized for linguistic investigation.
Presented at
NWAV 40
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Phonetic Change and Phonology
Josef Fruehwald
(2011)
Abstract
In this paper, I will attempt to support the following two arguments Phonetic change is a distinct type of language change, displaying qualitatively different dynamics from syntactic, morphological, and phonological change. However, there is good evidence that categorical phonology plays a crucial role in the mediation of phonetic change. I
…
Presented at
MFM 19
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Mergers, Distinctions, and Shifts
Josef Fruehwald
(2010)
Abstract
Using data from the Atlas of North American English, I try to determine whether it is the phonetic gap created by the low-back merger or the phonological collapse which acts as a trigger for TRAP retraction STRUT lowering.
Presented at
NSF IGERT 2010 Project Meeting
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Vowel Shifts and the Phonology Phonetics Interface
Josef Fruehwald
(2010)
Abstract
I will be arguing from data on vowel shifts in progress, and from principles of language change, that language specific phonetic implementation rules must be part of speaker knowledge, and thus part of language acquisition. Then, I will sketch an abstract model of what phonetic implementation could be like. Having
…
Presented at
NAPhC 6
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Report from the R Study Group: What I couldn't have done otherwise
Josef Fruehwald
(2009)
Abstract
This is report on the first R study group which was held at Penn Summer 2009. I report both on the success of the study group, as well as some new analyses of well known linguistic variables (TD Deletion and ING).
Presented at
Splunch
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Evaluation and simulation of exemplar theoretic -t/-d deletion
Josef Fruehwald
(2008)
Abstract
I evaluate a model of TD-Deletion where the morphological effect is generated by an Exemplar Theoretic production-perception feedback loop like proposed in Bybee (2002). I find that 1) it is insufficient to produce morphological differences of the required magnitude and 2) that it produces the wrong shape of linguistic change.
…
Presented at
NWAV 37
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Josef Fruehwald and Neil Myler (2013)
Abstract
We present an analysis of an underdescribed construction common to Canadian and Philadelphian English dialects which appears to involve an instance of the copula/passive auxiliary be, a participial form of finish or do, and a DP complement receiving accusative Case (see Yerastov (2008) for a descriprition and discussion of its …
Presented at PLC 37
←HomeJosef Fruehwald (2012)
Abstract
I argue that some phonetic changes must be phonologically conditioned from their outset. I support this argument based on two conditioned sound changes in Philadelphia: /ay/ raising and /ey/ raising. /ay/ raising has always interacted opaquely with /t/ and /d/ flapping, suggesting it has always been sensitive to the underlying …
Presented at NWAV 41
←HomeJosef Fruehwald (2012)
Abstract
The consensus view of conditioned sound changes is that they begin as low-level phonetic biases which become compounded in the production-perception feedback loop (Ohala, 1981; Pierrehumbert, 2002; Blevins, 2004; Bermudez-Otero, 2007, inter alia). I argue against this consensus view that, instead, the conditioning on sound changes is phonological from the …
Presented at NELS 42
←HomeJosef Fruehwald (2011)
Abstract
I discuss the formulation of phonetic change as shifting phonetic implementation of relatively stable phonological objects, and how this model can be utilized for linguistic investigation.
Presented at NWAV 40
←HomeJosef Fruehwald (2011)
Abstract
In this paper, I will attempt to support the following two arguments Phonetic change is a distinct type of language change, displaying qualitatively different dynamics from syntactic, morphological, and phonological change. However, there is good evidence that categorical phonology plays a crucial role in the mediation of phonetic change. I …
Presented at MFM 19
←HomeJosef Fruehwald (2010)
Abstract
Using data from the Atlas of North American English, I try to determine whether it is the phonetic gap created by the low-back merger or the phonological collapse which acts as a trigger for TRAP retraction STRUT lowering.
Presented at NSF IGERT 2010 Project Meeting
←HomeJosef Fruehwald (2010)
Abstract
I will be arguing from data on vowel shifts in progress, and from principles of language change, that language specific phonetic implementation rules must be part of speaker knowledge, and thus part of language acquisition. Then, I will sketch an abstract model of what phonetic implementation could be like. Having …
Presented at NAPhC 6
←HomeJosef Fruehwald (2009)
Abstract
This is report on the first R study group which was held at Penn Summer 2009. I report both on the success of the study group, as well as some new analyses of well known linguistic variables (TD Deletion and ING).
Presented at Splunch
←HomeJosef Fruehwald (2008)
Abstract
I evaluate a model of TD-Deletion where the morphological effect is generated by an Exemplar Theoretic production-perception feedback loop like proposed in Bybee (2002). I find that 1) it is insufficient to produce morphological differences of the required magnitude and 2) that it produces the wrong shape of linguistic change. …
Presented at NWAV 37
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