Clicking on the appropriate file will begin the download of a PostScript
or Rich Text Format file. The former can be printed on any PostScript printer. The latter should be readable by Microsoft Word 5.1 and later versions. The papers are not
listed here in any particular order.
1995 "Subjects, Events and Licensing"
Only the RTF version of my thesis is available for download. You may view the abstract here, and order a nicely bound copy from MITWPL.
1998 State of the Article: Distributed Morphology This is the Word 5.1 version of a position piece on Distributed Morphology which will appear in Glot International 4.4. Here, Rolf Noyer and I attempt to provide a broad overview of the framework of Distributed Morphology, a description and discussion of some of the key issues considered in the theory, and a comprehensive bibliography of work within the theory, as well as some related work in competing frameworks. The PalPhon font is used occasionally in this paper.
This version is a Postscript file which ought to be printable on any Postscript printer, again with the appropriate PalPhon font.
Formal versus Encyclopedic Properties of Vocabulary: Evidence from Nominalizations.
This paper is under consideration for inclusion in a volume edited by Bert Peeters, from Elsevier Press, on the relationship between the Lexicon and the Encyclopedia. This version is an Office 98 Word RTF file, although the bulk of it ought to be readable by earlier versions of Word.
THIS version is a Postscript file, which should be printable on any Postscript printer.
1997 Mixed nominalizations, short verb movement and object shift in English, in "Proceedings of NELS 28", GLSA, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
This paper, co-written with Rolf Noyer, was presented at the North Eastern Linguistic Society's 28th meeting, in the fall of 1997 at the University of Toronto. It accounts for the failure of particle-shift in English verb-particle nominalizations ("look up the information/look the information up" vs. "the looking up of the information/*the looking of the information up", first noted in Chomsky 1971, "Remarks on Nominalizations"). In the non-lexicalist framework of Distributed Morphology, such failures must be ascribed to the syntax of the nominalization, rather than to a lexicalization of the nominal form, and we provide an account of this failure in terms of overt object shift and verb raising.
1998 Meaning in Morphology: motivating a feature-geometric analysis of person and number, an updated version of a paper presented at the 1998 meeting of Generative Linguists of the Old World in Tilburg, the Netherlands. It is a BinHexed RTF Word 98 file; earlier versions of Word may be able to read it adequately, but ideally, after de-binhexing the file, open it with Word 98. In order to be able to
read the geometric representations properly, you need the Arboreal font, available from Cascadilla Press.
This version is a Postscript file, which should be printable on any Postscript printer.
This paper, co-written with Elizabeth Ritter of the University of Calgary, applies the feature-geometric theory of morphosyntactic features outlined in my 1994 "Hug a Tree" paper (see description below). Here we provide considerable empirical coverage, dealing with pronominal paradigms from many different languages, and attempt a conceptual motivation of the feature geometry, claiming that subtrees of the geometry represent the grammaticization of (more global) natural cognitive classifications of the world.
a tree: deriving the morphosyntactic feature hierarchy," MIT Working
Papers in Linguistics 21, 289-320.
This paper proposes a morphological feature geometry, according to
which subgroupings of morphological features correspond to subtrees of
a universal geometry, acccounting for universals in feature distribution
and realization. The view of morphological processes here is essentially
that proposed by Noyer 1992, according to which morphological features
are manipulated before being spelled-out by processes such as fusion, fission
and (most significant here) Impoverishment, corresponding to delinking
in the feature tree.
1996 (with Andrew Carnie) "VSO
as raising to COMP: Some evidence from Old Irish". (An old
version of this paper, with a third author, Elizabeth Pyatt, appeared in Studies in the Linguistic Sciences, Proceedings
of the Formal Linguistics Society of the Midwest Meeting 5.)
This much enlarged and revised version of the paper argues that in
addition to the V-to-I requirement of Modern Irish, Old Irish had movement
to C of the verb, just in case C was not otherwise filled by a complementizer
particle or preverbal particle. Evidence from the verb form (absolute in
C, conjunct elsewhere) and the position of object enclitics, which we argue
to adjoin to C, demonstrates that C in Old Irish required overt phonological
material to fill it; a type of "weak-V2" hypothesis - weak because
the specifier of CP cannot be filled with an XP.
(This paper is now under review at Oxford University Press as part of a volume of papers dealing with verb-inital languages, edited by Andrew Carnie and Eithne Guilfoyle; the proposed contents of the volume can be seen here
away from abstract case". To appear in Proceedings of NELS 25,
Graduate Linguistics Students' Association, University of Massachusetts,
This paper demonstrates that nominative objects in dative-nominative
experiencer subject constructions in Icelandic behave identically with
accusative objects with respect to object shift and negative polarity item
licensing, both of which phenomena demonstrate that despite the structural,
agreement-triggering nominative case assignment on the object of the verb,
that object stays within the scope of TP throughout the derivation and
hence does not move to Spec-TP or Spec-AgrSP to get nominative case in
the same way as subjects. This argues for a dependency analysis of case
assignment, according to which the morphological realization of structural
case is dependent upon the realization of other structural cases within
a clause, rather than the standard approach according to which a particular
structural case is associated with a particular position or case assigner.
bizarre: the Japanese causative and structural case," In P. Koskinen,
(ed.) Proceedings of the 1995 Canadian Linguistics Society meeting, University
of Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics
This paper provides a unified treatment of the various uses of the Japanese
causative morpheme -sase within a Minimalist framework. The differences
in case-assignment, numeral quantifier-float and passivization possibilities
between the "make" and "let" uses of the causative
are argued to fall out from the presence of a null P in the latter's structure
which assigns case to an NP which controls an embedded PRO, while the former
is essentially a raising-to-object structure. In addition, the lexical
uses of sase can be subsumed under an approach where the CAUSE morpheme
is present not only in the syntactic use but in the lexical use as well,
implying that syntactic decomposition of lexical items is a reality at
least in Japanese.
You Have, You Can Give", to appear in Proceedings of WCCFL XV,
CSLI, Stanford, CA.
Agents and the Interpretation of VP-Shells"
This paper outlines a decompositional approach to the syntax of eventive
verbs, adducing in evidence a cross-lingusitic generalization according
to which the decomposition of "give" in its double object use
into "CAUSE + HAVE" is supported with data from Irish, Diné,
Japanese, English, French and Italian. Languages without the HAVE preposition
are argued to not contain double-object uses of "give", while
languages which contain the HAVE preposition are shown to contain such
uses. The breakdown of verbs into an upper VP shell representing eventiveness
and a lower shell representing the aspectual and stative component of the
verb's meaning provides the necessary structural representation to capture
This longer paper elaborates on the view of the VP outlined in the
WCCFL paper above and proposed initially in my dissertation. The upper
part of a VP shell represents the eventiveness of an eventive verb, and
this position is where all Agent arguments are generated, a proposal along
the lines of Kratzer 1996. Late insertion of lexical items permits a unified
treatment of Japanese syntactic and lexical causatives. Theta structure
is argued to be epiphenomenal to event structure. Evidence from adverbs
and psychological predicates also supports the decompositional view of
verbs argued for here.
"Logophors, binding and the interpretation of have"
A short (10-page) paper outlining an interesting fact about the possible
readings of English "have".
The interpretation of "have" is dependent upon the binding of
a pronominal in its complement, and altering the pronominal element can
be seen to alter the available readings of "have". This argues
against a purely semantic treatment of the alternation of interpretations
of "have", as such interpretations are dependent upon the syntactic
binding of a pronominal element in the complement.
This paper has appeared in "Lingua", 103, pp 75-84.