-o, by analogy to (10). (Cf. English They
chased him and We made them chase him.)
(11)
|
| *
| Hanako-ga Taroo-o ringo-o tabe-sase-ta koto
nom acc apple acc eat caus past that
Intended meaning: '(the fact) that Hanako made Taroo eat an apple'
|
As it turns out, however, the case-marking pattern in (11) is
ungrammatical, violating what is known in the Japanese syntax literature
as the double -o constraint, which prohibits the occurrence of
more than one -o-marked noun phrase per surface verb. Rather,
when a transitive sentence is embedded under a causative verb, the
subject of the lower clause must be marked with a distinct particle, the
dative case marker -ni, as in (12).
(12)
| a.
| ✓
| Hanako-ga Taroo-ni ringo-o tabe-sase-ta koto
nom dat apple acc eat caus past that
'(the fact) that Hanako made Taroo eat an apple'
|
| b.
| ✓
| Hanako-ga Taroo-ni hon- o mi- sase- ta koto
nom dat book acc see caus past that
'(the fact) that Hanako made Taroo see the book'
|
What is of interest to us now is that the -ga -ni -o
case-marking pattern in (12) recurs in double object sentences, as shown
in (13).
(13)
|
|
| Hanako-ga Taroo-ni hon- o mise- ta koto
nom dat book acc show past that
'(the fact) that Hanako showed Taroo a book'
|
The identical case-marking pattern in (12) and (13) is exactly what
the VP shell proposal leads us to expect, since the relevant structures
are analogous. The structures in (14a) and (14b) are for (12b) and
(13), respectively. For expository clarity, we assume that the only
difference between them is whether the causative morpheme is overt or
silent.
| The complete structures of the sentences under discussion of course
includes projections of I (past tense) and C (the complementizer
koto). For expository clarity, we generally omit these
projections in this chapter.
|
(14)
| a.
|
|
|
| b.
|
|
|
Abstract verb movement
Besides the case-marking pattern just presented, the Japanese causative
exhibits a further property that is important for the VP shell analysis.
Unlike the English verb let, Japanese
-(s)ase is a bound morpheme. As they stand,
therefore, the VP shells in (14) are not yet grammatical. The missing
step is for the verb of the lower VP to adjoin to the causative
morpheme. This V-to-V movement is motivated by the same considerations
as the V-to-I movement discussed for French
in Chapter 6; in both cases,
a verb moves up the tree in order to "support" a bound morpheme. The
result for (14a) is shown in (15a). In view of the semantic and
case-marking parallels between causative and double object sentences, it
makes sense to extend the overt verb movement in (15a) to the double
object case. This yields (15b) as the final form of the VP shell for
(14b).
(15)
| a.
|
|
|
| b.
|
|
|
The surface difference between the two structures in (15) concerns
how the verbal heads are spelled out in the morphology. In (15a), the
spellout is analytic, with each syntactic head corresponding to a
transparently identifiable morphological form (mi
and -sase). In (15b), the spellout is synthetic, with the two
heads in the syntax corresponding to a single morphological item
(mise-).
Finally, we assume that the VP shells for English double object
verbs are analogous to the ones that we have just motivated for
Japanese. (16) shows the VP shell structures, before and after verb
movement, that we are assuming for the English counterpart of (13).
From a structural point of view, the only difference between the
Japanese structures and their English counterparts is the direction in
which V takes phrasal complements.
(16)
| a.
|
|
|
| b.
|
|
|
| Why do we left-adjoin (rather than right-adjoin) SEE
to CAUSE in English? The reason is that we treat CAUSE
by analogy to a suffix like -ify (cf. magn-ify, not
*ify-magn).
|
(17) gives the VP shell for our original English double object
sentence in (1), both before and after abstract verb movement.
Click on the example number to see an animation of the derivation.
(17)
| a.
|
|
|
| b.
|
|
|
(18) gives the structure for the entire sentence. In the
corresponding present-tense or past-tense sentences, the tense morpheme
would lower onto the complex V head, and the resulting head would be
spelled out as give(s) or gave.
(18)
|
|
|
|
Direct versus indirect causation
Before extending the VP shell analysis to further sentence types, we
should explicitly state that we are not claiming that CAUSE is
completely synonymous with overt causative verbs
like cause, let, make, and the like. These overt
causative verbs express what has been called indirect causation,
where the causing event and the caused event are conceptualized as two
separate events. By contrast, CAUSE expresses direct causation,
and the causing event is not conceptualized as distinct from the caused
event. It is important to realize that direct and indirect causation
are conceptual categories that speakers impose on the universe of
discourse; they do not themselves reflect distinctions inherent in that
universe. In other words, the very same event in the real world can be
conceptualized as involving either indirect or direct causation.
Sometimes this corresponds to a camera zooming in on out on a scene.
For instance, a bridge-building event could be described as involving
indirect causation. In (19a), the the agent of the caused event is
expressed as the subject of an active verb, whereas in (19b), the agent
of the caused event is expressed as a by phrase modifying a
passive verb. (We discuss the passive in more detail
in Chapter 10.) Despite the
difference in voice, the agent of the caused event (the two legions) is
expressed explicitly in both sentences.
(19)
| a.
|
| Caesar had two legions build a bridge.
|
| b.
|
| Caesar had a bridge built (by two legions).
|
It is also possible to zoom out, as it were, treating some of the
complexity associated with the bridge-building as not at issue, and to
describe the same event as in (20).
(20)
|
|
| Caesar built a bridge.
|
From this zoomed-out perspective, the bridge-building is an event
with a single agent. The legions can no longer be integrated into this
sentence as a subordinate agent, but only as an instrument wielded by the
sole remaining agent.
(21)
| a.
| *
| Caesar built a bridge by two legions.
|
| b.
| ✓
| Caesar built a bridge {using, with} two legions.
|
Notice that the zoomed-in and zoomed-out perspectives on event
complexity correlate with surface morphology. The zoomed-in, more
detailed perspective in (19) is expressed by two surface verbs
(causative have and build), whereas the zoomed-out, less
detailed perspective in (20) is expressed by a single surface form
(build).
Although our focus in this chapter has been on the role of CAUSE in
the derivation of ditransitive sentences (whether double-object or
double-complement), we note that the availability of CAUSE opens the
possibility of analyzing at least some monotransitive sentences in an
analogous way. Pursuing this approach, apparently simple build
would be derived from CAUSE and a verbal head meaning something like
'state-of-being-built', and a sentence like (20) would be derived using
a VP shell structure roughly as in (22).
(22)
|
|
| [VP Caesar CAUSE [VP a bridge built ] ]
|
The contrast between the optionality of the by phrase in
(19b) and its ill-formedness in (21a) arises from the difference between
zoomed-in and zoomed-out perspective, as just discussed.
Notice that if it were possible to generalize this approach to all
transitive heads, the notion of 'complement' (along with the notion of
'intermediate projection') could be eliminated from the theory of phrase
structure. The price of this simplification is the inclusion in the
theory of abstract heads like CAUSE. Much recent work in morphosyntax
adopts the approach just sketched. However, as this is an introductory
textbook, we do not pursue it further here.
We hasten to add that not all verbs involve CAUSE (even assuming the
VP shell analysis just proposed for build). For instance,
inchoative manner-of-motion verbs (The ball dropped) lack a
projection headed by CAUSE. We discuss such verbs together with their
causative variants (The children dropped the ball), which do
involve CAUSE, in a later section of the chapter on
the causative alternation.
The distinction we have just drawn between direct and indirect
causation allows us to revisit a point that we made in connection with
the rise of do support in the history of English. Recall from
Chapter 6, The
emergence of do support, that Middle English allowed a
variant of (19a) where the subordinate verb exhibits active voice, but
where the subordinate agent is expressed with an optional by
phrase, as in the passive.
(23)
|
|
| Caesar { did, had, let, made } ___ build a bridge (by two legions).
|
Recall further that the causative verb was make in certain
dialects of Middle English and do in others. For native speakers
of both dialects, their own causative verb expressed indirect causation.
However,
Ellegård 1953
surmises that in a situation of dialect contact, speakers of
the make dialect misanalyzed the do of the do
dialect in sentences like (23) as the overt expression of direct
causation. The mis- or reanalysis would then have taken hold as a way
of circumventing the ineffability of simple negative sentences with
structures violating the locality constraint on tense lowering, at least
in sentences with verbs involving CAUSE. In modern English, do
has developed one step further - into a true auxiliary that is
compatible even with verbs that do not involve CAUSE
(Ecay 2010). This is
comparable to the development of other auxiliaries; for instance, the
modern English future auxiliary will originally had the meaning
'want' but is now used as a pure tense marker together with entities
that are incapable of wanting.
Double complement sentences
Give and send
Many double object sentences have a double complement counterpart in
which the order of the recipient (red) and theme (blue) arguments is
reversed and the recipient is expressed as a PP rather than as a DP.
(24)
| a.
|
| Travis gave Betsy the receipts.
|
| b.
|
| Travis gave the receipts to Betsy.
|
At first glance, double complement sentences seem to be completely
synonymous with their double object counterparts and to stand in a
one-to-one correspondence with them. Indeed, early on in generative
grammar, it was held that any double complement sentence could be
transformed into a double object sentence by an operation known as
Dative Shift (in many languages, as we saw eaerlier for Japanese,
recipients are marked by dative case morphology or dative case
particles). However, certain semantic restrictions on the two sentence
types have led this view to be abandoned
(Green
1974, Oehrle
1976, Jackendoff 1990). For
instance, recipients in double object sentences, but not in double
complement sentences, are constrained to be animate.
|
|
| Double object sentence
|
|
|
| Double complement sentence
|
(25)
| a.
|
| Travis sent Betsy the receipts.
| (26)
| a.
|
| Travis sent the receipts to Betsy.
|
| b.
| *
| Travis sent the post office box the receipts.
|
| b.
|
| Travis sent the receipts to the post office box.
|
This effect is so strong that noun phrases that can be interpreted
as inanimate in a double complement sentence are coerced into an animate
interpretation in the corresponding double object sentence, if that is
possible. For instance, in (27b), Philadelphia cannot be
interpreted as a location, as is possible in (27a), though it can be
interpreted metonymically as the people at the Philadelphia
office.5
(27)
| a.
|
| Travis sent the receipts to Philadelphia.
(ambiguous between metonymy and location reading)
|
| b.
|
| Travis sent Philadelphia the receipts.
(only metonymy reading)
|
What the facts in (25)-(27) suggest is that ascribing exactly the
same thematic role (that of recipient) to the first DP in a double
object sentence and to the PP in a double complement sentence is not
quite correct. Rather, the PP headed by to denotes a path or
direction along which the theme moves, and the complement of to
denotes the path's endpoint, which can be either a recipient in that
location, as in (26a), or a pure location, as in (26b). The endpoint is
also referred to as the goal. We give the structures that we are
assuming shortly.
This move of carefully distinguishing between recipients and
locations is supported by the parallel between (25)-(27) on the one hand
and the corresponding simple get and go sentences in (28)
and (29) on the other.
|
|
| Parallel to double object sentence
|
|
|
| Parallel to double complement sentence
|
|
|
|
(28)
| a.
|
| Betsy got the receipts.
| (29)
| a.
|
| The receipts went to Betsy.
|
| b.
| *
| The post office box got the receipts.
|
| b.
|
| The receipts went to the post office box.
|
| c.
|
| Philadelphia got the receipts.
(only metonymy reading)
|
| c.
|
| The receipts went to Philadelphia.
(ambiguous between metonymy and location reading)
|
The elementary trees that we assume for (28) and (29) are given in (30).
In order to rule out (28b), we need to assume that the specifier
of get cannot be filled by a true location.
In other words, the elementary tree in (30b) is (for some reason)
ill-formed.
Embedding the structures in (30) under CAUSE yields the facts in
(25)-(27). In particular, the ill-formedness of (25b) is directly
related to the ill-formedness of (28b).
In the double complement examples presented so far, the path
complement is headed by a transitive P. Of course, as we would expect
given X' theory, the projection of an intransitive head can serve as a
path complement as well. In the examples in (31), we could follow
traditional grammar in classifying here and there as
adverbs. Alternatively, we could treat them as intransitive Ps (without
transitive counterparts).
(31)
| a.
|
| Travis sent the receipts { here, there } .
|
| b.
|
| The receipts go { here, there } .
|
Notice that here and there unambiguously refer to
locations or to paths with locations as endpoints. Therefore, (31a,b)
do not have metonymy readings, in contrast to (27a) and (29c),
respectively. Given our stipulaton that locations cannot substitute as
specifiers of get, the ill-formedness of (32a,b) follows directly
(cf. the absence of location readings in (27b) and
(28c)).6
(32)
| a.
| *
| Travis sent { here, there } the receipts.
|
| b.
| *
| { Here, There } got the receipts.
|
From what we have said so far, it is clear that not every double
complement sentence has a double object counterpart. Specifically,
double complement sentences where the endpoint of the path is a location
rather than a recipient have no double object counterpart. However,
since endpoints of paths are not required to be pure locations, but can
instead be recipients at locations, it might still be the case that
every double object sentence has a double complement counterpart. But
this turns out not to be true either. The reason is that in a double
complement structure, the preposition to imposes a semantic
requirement on the theme: namely, that the theme travel (or at least be
able in principle to travel) along a path whose endpoint is denoted by
the complement of to. By contrast, themes in double object
sentences, which lack to, aren't subject to such a requirement.
For instance, since it is perfectly possible for ideas or migraine
headaches to be the result of certain causes, the double object
sentences in (33) are acceptable.
|
|
| Double object sentence
|
|
|
| Double complement sentence
|
(33)
| a.
|
| The scandal gave the reporter an idea.
| (34)
| a.
| *
| The scandal gave an idea to the reporter.
|
| b.
|
| Bright lights give Amy a migraine headache.
|
| b.
| *
| Bright lights give a migraine headache to Amy.
|
The reason that the corresponding double complement sentences in
(34) are unacceptable is that the idea and the headache are
conceptualized as arising within somebody's head as the result of a
cause, but without having traveled there along some path. A way of
putting this in terms of thematic roles is to say that the subject of
abstract GET in sentences such as these is an experiencer rather than an
ordinary recipient. As expected, the simple get and go
sentences in (35) and (36) are parallel to (33) and (34).
|
|
| Parallel to double object sentence
|
|
|
| Parallel to double complement sentence
|
(35)
| a.
|
| The reporter got an idea.
| (36)
| a.
| *
| An idea went to the reporter.
|
| b.
|
| Amy got a migraine headache.
|
| b.
| *
| A migraine headache went to Amy.
|
Contagious diseases, incidentally, are not conceptualized as
traveling along a path. Instead, they are conceptualized as spreading
(occupying their original location in addition to the new location).
This explains the contrast between (37) and (38).
(37)
| a.
|
| Jerry gave Amy his cold.
|
| b.
|
| Amy got a cold.
|
(38)
| a.
| *
| Jerry gave his cold to Amy.
|
| b.
| *
| A cold went to Amy.
|
In concluding this section, we should point out that we have ignored
differences between give and send that are not relevant
for present purposes. Not surprisingly, of course, the two verbs do not
behave completely identically. Among other differences, for instance,
the lower VP
shell for give must contain a recipient even in the double
complement configuration, whereas the lower VP for send can
contain either a recipient or a location.
(39)
| a.
|
| Jerry sent the books to Amy.
|
| b.
|
| Jerry sent the books here.
|
(40)
| a.
|
| Jerry gave the books to Amy.
|
| b.
| *
| Jerry gave the books here.
|
We return to these kinds of differences in our discussion
of causative get.
Put
Another double complement verb is put, which can be decomposed
into a VP shell structure where CAUSE takes a VP complement headed by BE.
BE in turn takes a complement denoting the endpoint of a path.
(41)
|
|
|
|
Unlike give or send, put is never associated
with a recipient argument. Even human or animate complements in the PP
receive a purely locative interpretation. As a result, put
appears in double complement sentences, but not in double object
sentences, as shown in (42).7
(42)
| a.
|
| Amy put the books { on the shelf, there }.
|
| b.
| *
| Amy put { the shelf, there } the books.
|
Persuade
In the VP shells that we have considered so far, the complements in the
lower VP shell have been DP (double object verbs) or PP
(double complement verbs). In persuade, we have the case of a VP
shell where the complement in the lower VP shell is a clause (CP), which
can be either finite or nonfinite, as shown in (43). The
decompositions we propose are given in (44).
(43)
| a.
| Finite:
|
| We persuaded him that he should do it.
|
| b.
| Nonfinite:
|
| We persuaded him to do it.
|
(44)
| a.
| Finite:
|
| We CAUSE him AGREE that he should do it.
|
| b.
| Nonfinite:
|
| We CAUSE him AGREE to do it.
|
(45) gives the VP shell structure for the finite case.
(45)
|
|
|
|
The nonfinite case has exactly the same structure, differing only in
the internal details of the CP. We defer further discussion of the
nonfinite case to its own section
in Chapter 9.
The causative alternation
Manner-of-motion verbs
This section extends the VP shell analysis to the alternation
between inchoative verbs and their homonymous causative
counterparts illustrated in (46) and (47).
|
|
| Inchoative
|
|
|
| Causative
|
(46)
| a.
|
| The ball dropped.
| (47)
| a.
|
| The children dropped the ball.
|
| b.
|
| The ball rolled down the hill.
|
| b.
|
| The children rolled the ball down the hill.
|
| c.
|
| The boat sank.
|
| c.
|
| The explosion sank the boat.
|
When used as inchoatives, the verbs are intransitive and denote a
manner of motion, and the subject is the theme argument (expressing the
entity undergoing motion). When used as causatives, the verbs are
transitive, the subject is an agent or cause initiating the motion, and
the theme argument appears as the direct object. These facts all follow
straightforwardly if the transitive variant is derived from the
intransitive variant by embedding the latter under CAUSE, as shown in
(48) and (49). For clarity, we show the VP shell structures in (49)
both before and after abstract verb movement.
In the predicates under discussion, the inchoative and the causative
variant are both spelled out using the same morphological item. For
instance, both DROP in (48) and CAUSE + DROP in (49b) are
spelled out as the same surface verb drop. We will use the term
'causative alternation' in connection with any verbal heads for which
the causative and non-causative variants are spelled out using the same
form. The lower verbal head need not be a manner-of-motion verb. For
instance, inchoative get has a causative alternant, as discussed
in detail below. However, even though give corresponds
semantically to CAUSE + GET, give is not a causative
alternant of get in the sense just described (because their
surface forms are not homonymous).
Manner incorporation
As the name implies, manner-of-motion verbs all denote some sort of
motion, each differing in exactly how the theme argument undergoes
motion. This suggests that the inchoative variants of these verbs are
themselves decomposable into a basic predicate MOVE and a specification
of manner. We assume that the manner (about whose syntactic category we
remain agnostic) adjoins onto the basic predicate in the same way
that verbs adjoin onto tense to form a complex head. The derivation is
illustrated in (50).
Manner incorporation is not restricted to manner-of-motion verbs.
For instance, the various verbs of saying
(call, groan, grunt, whisper, and so on) can
be decomposed into a basic predicate SAY or SPEAK and a particular manner.
It has been argued that manner incorporation is not equally
productive across languages (Talmy 1975). The
Germanic languages allow manner incorporation freely, whereas the
Romance languages in general do not, preferring instead to incorporate
path or direction. Given its somewhat mixed character (Germanic by
strict historic descent, but with a large Romance vocabulary), English
exhibits both types of incorporation (MOVE + DROPPING-MANNER > DROP,
MOVE + INTO-DIRECTION > ENTER).
Get
As mentioned earlier, get and give are not causative
alternants in our sense, but get on its own does participate in
the causative alternation. In contrast to the manner-of-motion verbs
discussed earlier, the inchoative in (51a) is transitive rather than
intransitive. But in common with the previous case, the causative in
(51b) introduces an additional argument - specifically, an agent.
(51)
| a.
|
| Betsy got the receipts.
|
| b.
|
| Travis got Betsy the receipts.
|
The argument structure for GET in (51a) is already familiar from
(30a) and is repeated here as (52a). Embedding (51a) under CAUSE
results in (51b). For simplicity, we show only pre-movement structures
in what follows.
(52)
| a.
|
|
|
| b.
|
|
|
The structure in (52b) is identical to that proposed earlier for
Travis gave Betsy the receipts, and the question arises what
distinguishes get and give (just as the question arose
earlier about what distinguishes give and send). We
address the issue very soon.
In addition to heading the elementary tree in (52a), GET can also
head the elementary tree in (53a), with the same structure as GO.
Embedding this structure under CAUSE yields the causative variant in
(53b). Thus, GET participates in two causative alternations - the
double-object alternation in (52) and the double-complement alternation
in (53).
(53)
| a.
|
|
|
| b.
|
|
|
Examples of the structures in (53) are given in (54).
(54)
| a.
|
| The receipts got { to Betsy, to the post office box, there }.
|
| b.
|
| Travis got the receipts { to Betsy, to the post office box, there } .
|
As discussed earlier, either recipients or locations can function as
endpoints of paths, and the get sentences in (54a) are analogous
to their counterparts with go, as expected. Also as expected,
entities not conceptualized as being capable of traveling along paths
cannot occur as themes in the double complement
structure.8
(55)
| a.
| *
| An idea got to the reporter. (cf. (36a))
|
| b.
| *
| A { migraine headache, cold } got to Amy. (cf. (36b))
|
| The material from here to the end of the section will not be part of
the exam. Resume reading at Further issues.
|
As promised earlier, we turn now to the differences
among get, give and send. For expository
convenience, we distinguish the variants of GET and GO at issue by
appending their spellout forms. In other words, the GET that combines
with CAUSE to form give is GET-give, the GO that combines with
CAUSE to form send is GO-send, and so on. We begin with the
double-complement structure paradigm in (56)-(58).
(56)
| a.
|
| We gave the book to Gillian.
|
| b.
| *
| We gave the book to Hawaii. (ok only on metonymy reading)
|
| c.
| *
| We gave the book there.
|
(57)
| a.
|
| We got the book to Gillian.
|
| b.
|
| We got the book to Hawaii.
(ambiguous between metonymy and location reading)
|
| c.
|
| We got the book there.
|
(58)
| a.
|
| We sent the book to Gillian.
|
| b.
|
| We sent the book to Hawaii.
(ambiguous between metonymy and location reading)
|
| c.
|
| We sent the book there.
|
As is evident from the judgments in (56)-(58), GO-give differs from
GO-send and GO-get in requiring the object of to to be a
recipient. The latter two verbs differ in that GO-send appears to
require intermediate agents or instruments (carriers, post offices,
etc.) on the path traveled by the theme, whereas GO-get is agnostic in
this regard. Likely related to this is that GO-get implies that the
theme reaches its destination; for GO-send, some speakers consider (58)
compatible with scenarios where the book goes astray and never arrives.
In the double-object structure, all of the GET variants require their
specifier to be filled by a recipient.
(59)
| a.
|
| We { gave, got, sent } Gillian the book.
|
| b.
| *
| We { gave, got, sent } Hawaii the book.
(ok only on metonymy reading)
|
| c.
| *
| We { gave, got, sent } there the book.
|
Analogously to the double-complement case, GET-get implies that the
theme arrives at its destination, whereas GET-send is again less strict
for some speakers. Conversely, GET-send again seems to require
intermediate agents along the path. But what distinguishes GET-give and
GET-get?
Consider the paradigm in (60) and (61).
(60)
| a.
|
| Jerry gave Amy a present.
|
| b.
|
| Jerry gave Amy a cold.
|
(61)
| a.
|
| Jerry got Amy a present.
|
| b.
| *
| Jerry got Amy a cold.
|
At first glance, it might seem that we can derive these facts - in
particular, the contrast between (60b) and (61b) - by requiring the theme of
GET-get to be an entity capable of traveling along a path. (In other
words, we would be extending a requirement from the
double-complement structure to the "other" structure, similarly
to how we impose a recipient requirement on the VP shell for GO-give
that is naturally associated with the double-object structure.)
But this idea won't work, as it leads us to expect (62b) to be
ungrammatical, contrary to fact.
(62)
| a.
| ✓
| Amy got a present.
|
| b.
| ✓
| Amy got a cold.
|
A closer look at (62a) and (62b) reveals a thematic difference between
them. In (62a), the specifier of GET-get is a true recipient, whereas in
(62b), it is an experiencer. The recipient receives some entity from
outside of itself. This entity, which is expressed by the theme
argument, may be a concrete object, as in (62a), or an abstract entity, as
in (63).
(63)
| a.
|
| ✓
| Jerry got the { job, promotion, raise } .
|
| b.
|
| ✓
| Amy got Jerry the { job, promotion, raise } .
|
The experiencer experiences some phenomenon. Like the outside
entity in the recipient case, the phenomenon is expressed by the theme
argument, but the phenomenon arises within the experiencer, even though
triggered by an external cause or agent.
Recall that abstract CAUSE expresses direct
causation - the causing event and the caused event are
conceptualized as non-distinct. When the caused event is a phenomenon
that arises inherently in an experiencer, direct causation gives rise to
a weird interpretation - one where an agent initiates a causing event
that has a magic effect on the experiencer along the lines of "Poof, now
you've got a cold" or "Poof, now you've got a headache". The scenario
is weird in a way that "Poof, now you've got a job" or "Poof, now you've
got a car" isn't (assuming that the agent has a job or car to give
away).
If we reconceptualize the situation as involving what we called
indirect causation, which is expressed through
overt causative verbs, the external cause and the internal experience
are conceptualized as distinct. This cancels the weird magic effect,
and the resulting sentences become acceptable, as in (64).
(64)
|
| ✓
| Jerry made Amy get a cold (by exposing her to his cold).
|
For reasons that remain mysterious, the combination of CAUSE and
GET-give in (60b) patterns like (64). In other words, even
though give is synthetic just like get, it behaves in
(60b) as if it were analytic like make ... get. Although the
following does not solve the mystery, this suggests that the difference
between give and get might not lie in the head of the
lower VP shell (GET-give vs. GET-get). Instead, the lower head might be
the same, but combine with an abstract head expressing indirect
vs. direct causation, respectively, as shown in (65).
(65)
|
|
|
Head expresses ...
| Indirect causation
| Direct causation
|
Overt head
| make ... get
| n/a
|
Silent head
| give
| get
|
|
| Resume reading here.
|
Further issues
Locality constraints on idioms
Expressions whose meaning does not follow straightforwardly from the
individual parts, as in (66), are known as idioms. (The
idiomatic meaning can sometimes be traced back to an etymological
source, but even if that is possible, that source is unknown to most of
the idiom's users.)
(66)
| a.
|
| red tape 'bureaucratic difficulties'
|
| b.
|
| the Big Apple 'New York City'
|
| c.
|
| kick the bucket 'die'
|
| d.
|
| let the chips fall where they may 'disregard the consequences of
one's actions'
|
It has been traditional in generative grammar
(Marantz 1984) to (attempt
to) impose a locality constraint on idioms along the lines of
(67) (locality constraints are so called because they make reference to
relatively small, or local, domains).
(67)
|
|
| All parts of an idiomatic expression must together form a constituent.
|
The motivation for (67) is to account for the absence of
theoretically possible idioms like the made-up example in (68),
where blue and hopping, though adjacent, don't form a
constituent.
(68)
| a.
|
| They've bred a strain of blue hopping drosophila.
Intended meaning: 'They've bred a strain of drosophila that is
unusually large.'
|
| b.
|
| The great apes all have blue hopping brains.
Intended meaning: 'The great apes all have unusually large brains.'
|
| c.
|
| She's a blue hopping child for her age.
Intended meaning: 'She's an unusually large child for her age.'
|
In many cases, the constraint in (67) is trivially satisfied. For
instance, in (66), red tape is an NP, the Big Apple is a
DP, and kick the bucket and let the chips fall where they
may are instances of V'. But idioms consisting of discontinuous
chunks should not exist.
At first glance, therefore, idioms like those in (69) seem to pose a
problem for the locality constraint in (67).
(69)
| a.
|
| give someone the creeps
| 'make someone uneasy'
|
| b.
|
| throw someone to the wolves
| 'sacrifice someone'
|
However, just as the VP shell analysis allows us to preserve the
binary-branching hypothesis in the face of prima facie
counterevidence, it also allows us to preserve the locality constraint
on idioms in the face of apparently discontinuous idioms. This is
because the VP shell analysis allows us to say that what is idiomatic in
(69) are the underlined instances of V' in (70).
(70)
| a.
|
| CAUSE someone GET the creeps
|
| b.
|
| CAUSE someone GO to the wolves
|
Strong evidence for the decomposition in (70) is the existence of
the related idioms in (71).
(71)
| a.
|
| get the creeps 'become uneasy'
|
| b.
|
| go to the wolves 'be sacrificed'
|
In addition, since heads form constituents with their complements
but not with their specifiers, potential idioms such as those in (72)
are predicted not to be possible.
(72)
| a.
|
| the { creeps, wolves } GET someone
|
| b.
|
| the { creeps, wolves } GO to someone
|
This elegantly explains the unacceptability of sentences like (73)
and (74) (on their intended idiomatic interpretation).
(73)
| a.
| *
| The creeps got me.
|
| b.
| *
| The wolves went to Felix.
|
(74)
| a.
| *
| Oscar threw the wolves Felix. (= CAUSE the wolves GET Felix)
|
| b.
| *
| Crazy people give the creeps to me. (= CAUSE the creeps GO to me)
|
Small clauses revisited
We motivated the assumption of VP shells with reference to causative
small clauses like (6), repeated in (75).
(75)
|
|
| God let [ there be light ] .
|
As we know from Chapter
3, small clauses can also contain predicates headed by
syntactic categories other than V. (76) gives some examples.
(76)
| a.
| AP
|
| They proved [ the solution completely inadequate ] .
|
| b.
| DP
|
| They consider [ her a friend ].
|
| c.
| PP
|
| They made [ him into a star ] .
|
Stowell 1983 proposed that all small clauses
have a uniform structure, illustrated for (76b) in (77).
(77)
|
|
|
|
| To be revised
|
According to this analysis, the small clause (Aristotelian)
predicate (underlined in the examples above) is an intermediate
projection. The entire small clause (in brackets) is a maximal
projection, and the subject (in italics) is the maximal projection's
specifier and the predicate's sister. Stowell's analysis is attractive
because it treats small clauses as structurally analogous to ordinary
clauses. The only difference between the two clause types concerns
whether the clause is a projection of I. Nevertheless, the analysis
cannot be maintained for DP small clauses because it fails to
accommodate the minimal variant of (76b) in (78).
(78)
|
|
| They consider [ her Tanya's friend ].
|
Here, the DP predicate contains a possessor, which under Stowell's
analysis would compete with the small clause subject for Spec(DP)
(Heycock 1991).
In order to maintain binary branching, the structure for examples
like (78) must include an additional head, which we represent here as a
silent counterpart of the copula be. Like its overt counterpart,
this head imposes a subject-predicate relationship on its specifier and
its complement. We give the structure for (78) in (79a), and our
revised structure for (77) in (79b). Notice that both structures
preserve the structural parallelism between small clauses and ordinary
clauses that was attractive in Stowell's analysis. (Indeed, the complete
parallelism with clauses containing be might be considered an
advantage of (79) over (77).)
(79)
| a.
|
|
|
| b.
|
|
|
Based on the semantic parallel between (78) and the AP and PP small
clauses in (80), we propose to extend the structure in (79) with silent
BE to small clauses in general.
(80)
| a.
| AP
|
| They consider [ the unemployment figures ominously
high ] .
|
| b.
| PP
|
| They consider [ the patient out of danger ] .
|
It is worth pointing out that small clauses are not restricted to
the complement position of verbs; they can also occur as the complements
of prepositions, as illustrated in (81).
(81)
| a.
| AP
|
| With [ the unemloyment figures ominously high ] , ...
|
| b.
| DP
|
| With [ Heller the board's choice for director ] , ...
|
| c.
| PP
|
| With [ the patient out of danger ] ,
|
Finally, the copula (whether silent or overt) is not the only
possible head for small clauses. (82) illustrates small clauses headed
by as, and (83 gives the structure for
(82c).9
(82)
| a.
|
| They regard [ her as Tanya's friend ] .
|
| b.
|
| They regard [ the unemployment figures as ominously
high ] .
|
| c.
|
| They regard [ the patient as out of danger ] .
|
(83)
|
|
|
|
|
Notes
1. In traditional grammar, the
recipient and theme are taken to be the verb's indirect and direct
object, respectively.
2. The idea underlying the VP shell
analysis goes back to Chomsky 1955 and was taken up
in Larson 1988, 1990 (see also
Jackendoff 1990). The treatment in this chapter
is indebted to that in Harley 2002, though not
identical to it in all details.
3. Here and in what
follows, we decompose 'give' into CAUSE and GET. The lower VP shell
might arguably be headed by HAVE instead. The difference between the
two heads is aspectual. GET is inchoative (focusing on the initial part
of a change-of-state event), whereas HAVE is stative; in other words,
'get' is 'come to have'. Since CAUSE itself implies a change of state,
it is difficult to know whether the change-of-state part of
the meaning of 'give' is due to CAUSE or to GET.
4. In addition to marking
grammatical relations like subject or direct object, Japanese also marks
discourse functions such as topic. In Japanese main clauses, topic
marking with -wa overrides subject marking with -ga. It
is therefore customary to illustrate -ga marking using
subordinate clauses, as we do in what follows.
5. Metonymy is the
traditional term for various types of figurative language use, notably
including the one relevant here, where an expression that literally
refers to a location is used to refer instead to a group of people
typically at that location. Common examples include the White
House (broadly 'the U.S. executive, more narrowly 'the
U.S. president along with close staff'), the Kremlin ('the
Russian government'), Westminster ('the U.K. parliament'), and so
on.
6. The alternation in (i) -
specifically, the well-formedness of (i.b) - is only apparently
problematic for what we say in the text.
(i)
| a.
|
| Amy sent the mail { back, off } .
|
| b.
|
| Amy sent { back, off } the mail.
|
Back and off are so-called particles, which can
behave like ordinary PPs, as in (i.a), but also more like bound affixes,
as in (i.b). A detailed analysis of the syntax of particles is beyond
the scope of this course, but evidence for their differing syntactic
status in (i) comes from contrasts as in (ii).
(ii)
| a.
|
| Amy sent the mail right { back, off } . (cf. right to the CEO)
|
| b.
| *
| Amy sent right { back, off } the mail.
|
7. Again, alternations as
in (i) are only apparent exceptions to the statement in the text and
reflect the status of on and back as particles; see
fn. 5.
(i)
| a.
|
| Amy put her sweater (right) { on, back } .
|
| b.
|
| Amy put (*right) { on, back } her sweater .
|
8. If the themes in (55) are
interpreted as entities able to undergo physical transfer, the sentences
become grammatical. Replacing the indefinite article by the definite
article makes the relevant interpretations more salient. The
idea might then refer to an idea contained or expressed in a message
or book, and the cold might refer to a cold virus contained in a
test tube being sent from one lab to another.
Similarly, in an expression The noise finally got to them, the
theme (the noise) is conceptualized as moving along a path from a
location where it doesn't affect or bother the experiencers
(them) to one where it finally does.
9. The varying grammaticality
of the small clause heads in (i) seems to pose an problem for the
analysis in the text.
(i)
| a.
|
| We let [ Martha { be, *as, *BE } Lukas's buddy ] .
|
| b.
| *
| With [ Heller { as, *be, *BE } the board's choice for director ] , ...
|
The problem is only apparent, however, since heads are able to
subcategorize not only for the syntactic category of their complements,
but to specify that category's head as well. We know this because of
examples like (iii), where a head selects not just a PP complement, but a
PP complement headed by a particular preposition.
(iii)
| a.
|
| faith { in, *at, *on, *to } your ability
|
| b.
|
| rely { on, *at, *in, *to } someone
|
Exercises and problems
Exercise 7.1
A. Find five double object or double complement verbs not mentioned in the
chapter and suggest a semantic decomposition for them.
B. Can you find further double complement verbs of the put
or persuade type?
C. Modern English has causatives of verbs or other heads, as in (1a) and
(1b), respectively, that are morphologically related to those heads,
though they are not spelled out by the same form. The base form and the
causative were at one point related by phonological rule (for instance,
ablaut or umlaut), but historical sound change has since obscured those
regularities. Similarly, over time, the meaning of the originally
causative form sometimes drifts away from a strict causative meaning.
What are the causative verbs in question?
(1)
| a.
|
| drink, fall, lie (as in 'lie down', not 'prevaricate'), sit
|
| b.
|
| full, gold
|
D. Are there double object or double complement verbs that are not
amenable to the causative decomposition proposed in the chapter?
Exercise 7.2
Make up one short sentence for each of the double complement verbs
give, send, put, and persuade, and use the grammar tool in
x-bar ch7 to give complete structures for them.
Exercise 7.3
A. Propose structures for each of the following expressions,
focusing on the parallels between the (a) and (b) expressions. Assume
that German and Latin are head-final.
| 'die'
|
| 'kill'
|
German
| (1)
| a.
| um-
| kommen
|
| b.
| um-
| bringen
|
| around
| come
|
| around
| bring
|
Latin
| (2)
| a.
| inter-
| ire
|
| b.
| inter-
| facere
|
| between
| go
|
| between
| make
|
Latin
| (3)
| a.
| per-
| ire
|
| b.
| per-
| dere
|
| through
| go
|
| through
| give
|
Exercise 7.4
|
For the purposes of the exercise, assume the judgments given, even
if they aren't your own.
|
A. Explain the contrast between (1) and (2).
(1)
| a.
|
| The scandal gave the reporter an idea.
|
| b.
|
| Bright lights give Amy a migraine headache.
|
(2)
| a.
| *
| The scandal got the reporter an idea.
|
| b.
| *
| Bright lights get Amy a migraine headache.
|
B. Explain the pattern of judgments in (3) and (4).
(3)
| a.
|
| The couch got a shove.
|
| b.
|
| The movers gave the couch a shove.
|
| c.
| *
| The movers got the couch a shove.
|
(4)
| a.
| *
| A shove got to the couch.
|
| b.
| *
| The movers gave a shove to the couch.
|
| c.
| *
| The movers got a shove to the couch.
|
C. Explain the contrast in (5).
(5)
| a.
|
| Crazy people give me the creeps.
|
| b.
| *
| Crazy people get me the creeps.
|
D. Explain the pattern of possible interpretations in (6) and (7).
(6)
| a.
|
| The surgeon gave the patient the finger. (ambiguous between literal
and idiomatic reading)
|
| b.
|
| The surgeon gave the finger to the patient. (unambiguously literal)
|
(7)
| a.
|
| The surgeon got the patient the finger. (unambiguously literal)
|
| b.
|
| The surgeon got the finger to the patient. (unambiguously literal)
|
E. Explain the acceptability contrast in (8).
(8)
| a.
| *
| The scandal sent the reporter an idea.
|
| b.
| ✓
| The editor sent the reporter an idea.
|
F. Is the naturally-occurring example in (9) expected or not?
(9)
|
|
| Tennessee coach Pat Summitt, the longtime head of the Lady Vols, gives
an earful to Alexis Hornbuckle during their win over Texas Tech.
(Daily Pennsylvanian, 28 March 2005, p. 9)
|
Exercise 7.5
Explain the contrast between (1) and (2).
(1)
|
|
| God let there be light.
|
(2)
| a.
| *
| They consider there light.
|
| b.
| *
| With there light, we can start trekking.
|
Exercise 7.6
Build structures for (1).
(1)
| a.
|
| They kept the president's arrival a secret.
|
| b.
|
| They kept the president's arrival very secret.
|
Exercise 7.7
| For each of the trees that you draw for this exercise, include
a paraphrase for the interpretation that the tree represents.
|
A. Build structures for each interpretation of the following
structurally ambiguous headlines. Unlike in the chapter, give full IPs
where necessary.
| For simplicity, treat compound nouns (e.g., NBA
referees) as simple nouns without internal structure. Treat the
gerund form in (1c) as a simple verb without morphological structure
(growing rather than grow + -ing).
|
(1)
| a.
|
| Lawyers Give Poor Free Legal Advice
|
| b.
|
| Young makes Zanzibar stop
|
| c.
|
| Complaints About NBA Referees Growing Ugly
|
B. Propose structures for the intended interpretation of (2) and
for a structurally possible (but let us hope unintended!) cannibalistic
interpretation.
(2)
|
|
| "I want to make you my favorite sandwich."
(Holly Hughes. 2003. Best food writing 2003. New York: Marlowe. 167.)
|
C. Propose structures for the two salient interpretations of the
punchline in (3)
(the customer
reading and the
Zen
reading).
For simplicity (contrary to
the solution
for Exercise 5.9, (1d)), you can treat the
imperative clause as a bare VP.
(3)
|
|
| Q.
| What did the Zen master say to the guy at the hot dog stand?
|
| A.
| Make me one with everything.
|
Exercise 7.8
A. In addition to the two causative alternations discussion in the body
of the chapter, get participates in a third, illustrated in (1).
Build the complete structures for both sentences (including the IP
projections).
(1)
| a.
|
| They got wet.
|
| b.
|
| She got them wet.
|
B. Propose VP shell structures for the verbs in (2).
(2)
| a.
|
| They became wet.
|
| b.
|
| The red cloth enraged the bull.
|
(3)
| a.
|
| The new fiscal policies enriched the king.
|
| b.
|
| The news saddened me.
|
Problem 7.1
There seem to be no ditransitive nouns, adjectives or prepositions.
Is this an accident?
Problem 7.2
For some speakers, the second clause in (1) contradicts the first. For
others, (1) is semantically coherent.
(1)
|
|
| They sent a rocket to Uranus, but it never arrived.
|
An apparently unrelated fact is that, for some speakers, (2a)
entails that the students learned syntax, whereas (2b) doesn't have that
entailment. For other speakers, the sentences in (2) are synonymous.
(2)
| a.
|
| The instructor taught the students syntax.
|
| b.
|
| The instructor taught syntax to the students.
|
Can you suggest a (unified) explanation for these judgments
concerning send and teach?
Problem 7.3
Explain the pattern of acceptability judgments in (1)-(3) (or as much
of the pattern as you can).
(1)
| a.
| ✓
| They gave the people some money.
|
| b.
| ✓
| They gave some money. (recipient unexpressed)
|
| c.
| *
| They gave the people. (theme unexpressed; ✓ on unintended reading, where the people is theme)
|
(2)
| a.
| ✓
| They gave some money to the people.
|
| b.
| ✓
| They gave to the people. (theme unexpressed)
|
| c.
| *
| They gave some money to. (recipient unexpressed)
|
(3)
| a.
| ✓
| They gave. (recipient and theme unexpressed, as in I already gave at the office).
|
| b.
| *
| They gave to. (recipient and theme unexpressed)
|
Problem 7.4
Can you suggest a reason for why (1b) lacks a 'fetch' interpretation?
(1)
| a.
|
| They got the package.
Interpretation 1: ✓ They received the package.
Interpretation 2: ✓ They fetched the package.
|
| b.
|
| She got them the package.
Interpretation 1: ✓ She made it come about that they received the package.
Interpretation 2: * She made it come about that they fetched the package.
|